Diddaan Qeerroo Bilisummaa daran hammaachuu irraan barsiisaan Political science University Dirree Daawaa fi barattoonni kaan Hidhaman.

 

March 6, 2012By in Oduu/News

Bitootessa 06,2012 Finfinnee

Barsiisaa Milkeessaa MiidhaqsaaUniversity Dirree Daawaa keessatti barsiisaa Political science kan tahee fi barattoota Oromoo biratti jaallatamaa kan ta’e Bar, Milkeessaa Miidhagsaan mootummaa Wayyaanee biratti yeroo adda addaatti ABO dha jechuun shakkamuun hidhaa turee gadhiifamuun beekama.Haala kanaan barattooti Oromoo naatoo fi jalala kan qabaniif barsiisaa Milkeessaa Midhagsaa, gaaffii Qeerroo Bilisummaaf kan barattoota kakaasu si ta’a jechuun shakkanii mana hidhaa Ma’ikalaawwii geessuun qeerroon gabaasa.

Kanuma waliin wal qabatee barattootni Oromoo mootummaa Wayyaaneedhaan ukkaamsamuun itti fufee jira.Mootummaan abbaa irree wayyaanee diddaa qeerroo irraa itti jabaate jala dhaabbachuuf jecha.Yuunivarsiitii Adaamaa keessatti barattootni Oromoo mana hidhaatii bahan barumsatti akka hin deebine galmee diduun rakkisuu irra darbee Barataa Waaqjiraa Guutamaa Kitilaa Barataa Agricultural Engineering waggaa 2ffaa tahe doormiidhaa qabanii ukkaamsuun bakka buuteen isaa dhabamee jira.Yeroo ammaa kana warri barataa Waaqjiraa Guutamaa ilmoo isaanii barbaacha irratti hedduu dadhabaa kan jiran yoommuu tahu bakka buutee isaa dhabanii mootummaa fi bakka itti iyyatan dhabuun dararamaa jiru.Barataa Waaqjiraa Guutamaa

Barataa  Magarsaa Waaqjiraa

Barataa Magarsaa Waaqjiraa

Torbaan darbe baaatii Gurraandhala 2012 keessa barataa Magarsaa Waaqjira jedhamu akkasuma mooraa Univrsity Hawaasaa keessaa sochii qeerroo waliin walitti hidhuun bakka buuteen isaa dhabamee yeroo ammaa kana akka mana hidhaa Ma’ikalaawwii jiru beekamee jira.

Qabsoon itti fufa! Gabrummaan ni kufa!

Ethiopia: Meles Zenawi to stay in power beyond 2015 election. Why?

March 3, 2012

In a secret meeting of TPLF’s big wigs last week, the question of Meles’ fate after 2015 was a topic of discussion. The group was divided into two camps- one advocating for Meles to stay in power until 2020 and others were pushing the idea of term limit and the importance of rotating the office of the Prime Minster to other personalities from different ethnic groups.

Meles’ group led by Tedros, Seyum and of course Azeb Gola were trying to make the point for their proposal that Meles cannot leave power until the millennium dam is finalized and also bring the Eritrean issue to conclusion. Seyum Mesfin who participated via secured video conference also sided with Meles. Seyum was noted saying that Meles’ clout in international arena is irreplaceable and all the credit channels will close if Meles stepped down. Seyum passionately argued that TPLF as a party cannot afford to change the horse in the middle of the stream. Seyum also spilled the beans saying that the much touted five years goal is not achievable by 2015, the party will need more time if it is going to see any of these lofty ideas implemented on the ground.

Sebhat Nega a devout TPLFite, proposed that Meles should hand power to another TPLF political elite member; however, no one in the TPLF circle was enthusiastic to take over meles’ office. The reason is obvious, Meles puts himself in such intractable position, and his office is not attractive anymore. All TPLF elites know that the power is sliding from their hand and they want to use meles’ evasive skills to buy time and find an opportune time to flee…the amazing thing is that Meles despite his public pronouncement that he had it enough and he would like to retire by 2015, he told his TPLF circles that he would like to stay in power until 2020 to see the fruition of his hard work….he told them that he is passionate about the millennium Dam and also he would like to bring the Eritrean issue to conclusion while he is in power. Meles also warned his party that- exhibiting any sign fracture within the party would pose dangerous threat to TPLF existence. Meles admitted that the TPLF dominance is unsustainable and he believes that gradual transfer of power would be beneficial to his party and people at the helm. Meles told them that Ethiopia is not immune from the Arab sprng style revolution- if that occurs, TPLF will be thrown in the dust bin of history. So he told them he can successfully lead a gradual transfer of power if he is allowed to stay until 2020.

After, lengthy discussions, Meles’ group seem to win the argument and Meles gladly agreed to stay in power until 2020. TPLF’s spin doctors will be busy to present Meles’ “change of mind “ in more palatable way to the public and international community including the Americans who were anticipating his departure…

source: Ayyaantuu

TPLF to Al-Amoudi: give me cash, I will give you public property

Source: Ayyaantuu

MIDROC Thrives at Privatisation Tender:

Al-Amoudi targets expansion of his companies’ presence in agricultural, mining sectors

By Elleni Araya | Addis Fortune

Companies under the umbrella of Mohammed International Development Research and Organisation Companies (MIDROC) Ethiopia and its affiliates appear to have thrived at the opening of a public tender to privatise close to eight state-owned firms, after they made offers to acquire more than half of the firms up for a sale.

The Privatisation & Public Enterprises Supervising Agency (PPESA) had offered Ethiopian Marble Enterprise; Coffee Processing & Warehouse Enterprise; Kality Metal Products Factory; Upper Awash Agro Industry Enterprise; Awash Winery SC; and Gojeb, Abobo, & Bilito Siraro farms up for privatisation through a public tender issued on January 9, 2012.

When the bid was opened on Thursday, February 23, 2012, MIDROC and its affiliates made an aggregate of 1.3 billion Br in offers to acquire five of the eight enterprises. MIDROC Ethiopia extended the highest offer of 860 million Br for Upper Awash Agro Industry Enterprise. It was the only offer that came for the enterprise.

The Enterprise is involved in the production and export of fresh and processed fruit and vegetables from its four farms located in Oromia and Afar regional states. Originally developed by a joint venture of domestic and foreign investors during the Emperor’s time, these farms lie on an aggregate land area of 7,049ht. It was nationalised in the late 1970s by the military regime.

Another subsidiary company of MIDROC that stood tall at the bid opening last week was National Mining Corporation (NMiC), managed since its foundation by Melaku Beza, a Russian-trained mining engineer. It offered 110 million Br, and an upfront payment settlement to acquire the Ethiopian Marble Enterprise (EME).

NMiC is not new to dealing with the Agency. It launched its operations in 1993, with a registered capital of 43 million Br, after acquiring Awash Marble Factory from the Agency for 45 million Br. The Factory had the capacity to produce 300,000tn of marble, limestone, and granite for export to the Middle East and Europe.

NMiC’s biggest prize came four years later, when it triumphed over a bidder from South Africa in acquiring the nation’s lone goldmine, Lega Dembi, in Shakiso Wereda, Borena Zone, Oromia Regional State, for 172 million dollars. With the government retaining a two per cent share, the goldmine was granted to NMiC as a concession for 20 years.

The concession coming to an end in five years, NMiC has positive prospects after its geologists discovered the largest gold reserves ever found in the country, in Tigray and Oromia regional states, two months ago. Managers of NMiC announced their plans to start production in three years, in hopes of raising total revenues of four billion dollars within 20 years of exploitation.

Its latest bid to acquire the Ethiopian Marble Enterprise, established by Italian investors in 1963 and nationalised in the late 1970s by the military regime, will bring it additional quarries located in Benishangul Gumuz and Harari regional states. The Enterprise has three branches in Nifas Silk, Bole, and Gulelle districts and made a gross profit of 3.3 million Br from its operations last year.

“There is a big gap between the demand and supply of marble in the country. We are trying to narrow this gap by further expanding our company,” Melaku Beza CEO of the corporation told Fortune. “Ethiopian Marble has a lot of resources that we can use,” Melaku Beza CEO of the corporation told Fortune.

Melaku also affirms that MIDROC is undergoing expansion plans, which explains its numerous bids that it had placed on Thursday.

“MIDROC is always on the move,” says Melaku, explaining that all its subsidiaries are undergoing expansion plans.

National Mining for example is considering opening a large marble factory, once it has finished conducting a feasibility study.

Two MIDROC-affiliated companies, largely owned by the Saudi tycoon Mohammed Hussein Ali Al-Amoudi, are Saudi Star Agricultural Plc and Horizon Plantations Plc. Both offered tens of millions of Birr to acquire state-owned plantations, last week, as well.

Saudi Star, incorporated in 2009 with a capital of 500 million Br, offered 90 million Br to acquire Abebo Farms, located in Gambella Regional State, with 3,000ht of land and a cotton processing plant with a 65,000sqm premises.

If it succeeds in its bid, it will add to Saudi Star’s already vast holdings in the regional state, where it currently holds 10,000ht of land in Alwero area, for growing rice. Saudi Star, now managed by Fikru Desalegn, former state minister of Capacity Building, has pledged to pay 45pc of the payment upfront and settle the balance within four years.

Horizon Plantations Ethiopia Plc, run by Jemal Ahmed, as a deputy to Al-Amoudi, was the lone bidder for two of the other enterprises that the Agency offered for sale.

Horizon Plantations, owned by Al-Amoudi and Jemal, also a prominent edible oil importer, was established in 2008, with a registered capital of 190 million Br. It is not new in acquiring properties from the state, as it bought Bebeka Rubber Plantation, located in Southern and Gambella regional states. Its main farm stretches from Addis Abeba to Dukem and employees 5,000 with a resident population of 28,000. It also acquired a 60pc share in a tyre factory, Addis Matador, and has been granted 85,000ht of land in Bench Maji Zone for a, Southern regional state in February of 2011.

Horizon offered 35.1 million Br, last week, to buy Gojeb Agricultural Development, a private farm during the Emperor’s time, which grows maize, banana, and pineapple on 1,400ht of the 1,800ht of land it owns near the border between Oromia and Southern regional states.

Horizon Plantations is also interested in acquiring the Coffee Processing & Warehouse Enterprise from Agency, offering to pay 228.2 million Br, out of which half is pledged to be paid upfront and the balance to be settled within two years.

The deal, if successful, could put Horizon in a better position than the other bidder, Ambassel Trade Works Enterprise, which has made an offer of 135 million Br, proposing to pay the amount in five years.

 However, the bids will have to go through a review process before winners are selected, according to Brehane Gebremadhin, the agency’s director and bid committee chairman.

“The bid committee will review both the technical and financial proposals, which all bidders have submitted, and shortlist winners to the board of directors,” said Brehane.

The Agency’s board is chaired by Tadelech Dalecho, former sate minister of Culture and Tourism (MoCT).

“It is true that MIDROC is undergoing an expansion plan, as it explained during the inauguration of Derba MIDROC Cement Factory,” Jemal told Fortune.

This is part of Al-Amoudi’s commitment to help achieve the Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) in the shortest possible time, according to Jemal.

“We bid on the Coffee Processing & Warehouse Enterprise from the Agency so that we could have our own sorting, preening, and polishing facility to produce export-standard coffee.”

The company has pledged to invest an additional half billion Br in Upper Awash, according to its technical proposal, Jemal revealed, speaking for MIDROC.

“We plan to use the farms to grow cash crops through irrigation,” he said.

It is a good expansion strategy that MIDROC is following if they manage to win the bids, according to Henock Assefa, consulting expert and managing director at Precise Consult International.

“Mining and agriculture are very profitable investments,” according to the expert. “You cannot go wrong with such investments, even if you have your eyes closed.”

Other bidders who appeared at the floor of the Agency, located on African Avenue, last week, were Ques Industrial SC, Morel Agro Industry Plc, and individual bidders, such as Mulugeta Tesfakiros and Tigist Deneke. They submitted offers for the acquisition of Kaliti Metal Factory, Bilito Siraro Farm Development, and Awash Winery SC, respectively.

Morell Agro Industry, a foreign company established in 2008, made an offer of six million Birr to buy Billito Siraro Farm in Oromia Regional State. The Farm harvests maize, haricot beans, and sunflower seeds on 3,270ht of land. The company has 10,000ht of land around the border of Somalia.

Mulugeta, who bought Langano Bekele Molla Hotel from the state for 80 million Br, in June 2011, after the original owners defaulted on a Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE) loan, was seen last week bidding jointly with Tigist Deneke to acquire Awash Winery SC, offering 202 million Br.

The Winery, up for auction for the second time, has been in business since 1943, with brands such as Axumite, Guder, and Awash. It had been the lone operator in the domestic market up until competition knocked on its door, in the form of Castel Winery, a sister company of BGI Ethiopia, brewer of St George, Bati, and Castel beers.

The results of the current bid will be announced in less than a month’s time, according to Berhane.

Persecuted in Ethiopia: Hunted in Hargeisa

Oromia Support Group Report 47 | February 27, 2012

Summary

Refugees from Ethiopia and officials of NGOs and governments were interviewed in Somaliland and Djibouti in November and December 2011. Formal interviews with 43 refugees, including 17 in Hargeisa, confirmed other reports that a high proportion of refugees from Ethiopia give histories of torture. Twenty one of the 43 interviewees (49%), including 13 of the 17 interviewed in Hargeisa (76%), had been tortured. Many instances of killing and rape by Ethiopian government forces were reported.

Somaliland officials and journalists claim that refugees from Ethiopia are at best economic migrants; at worst criminals and terrorists. Simplistic portrayal of immigrants as economic migrants ignores life-threatening destitution which is a direct result of Ethiopian government policies and the deliberate targeting of government critics for economic sanctions.

Because of the cooperation between Somaliland and Ethiopia, perceived critics and opponents of the Ethiopian regime are not given safe haven as refugees in Somaliland. Refoulement of refugees and asylum-seekers continues and UNHCR has proved ineffective in preventing this. Seven individuals were taken back to Ethiopia by combined units of Ethiopian and Somaliland forces between 25 October 2011 and 3 January 2012.

Refugee status determination and registration of asylum-seekers has been stalled since 2008. UNHCR recognises 1660 refugees and several thousand asylum-seekers. Recognised refugees were given monthly allowances of $40-80 per family by UNHCR and were given access to supplementary feeding, primary education and limited medical help at the Social Welfare Centre, provided by Save the Children under contract to UNHCR.

Under pressure from the Somaliland government, UNHCR withdrew the majority of allowances at the beginning of 2011, causing many families to get behind with their rent. In September, the government banned the employment of ‘illegal immigrants’. Recognised refugees and asylum-seekers were dismissed from their low paid, part-time jobs which had enabled them to subsist. Unable to pay rent, they were evicted by their landlords, who in many instances confiscated their belongings in lieu of rent.

At the beginning of November, destitute refugees began camping at the Social Welfare Centre and asylum-seekers set up camp on an adjacent vacant lot. Over 400 are now camped inside and outside the centre. Save the Children stopped the supplementary feeding, primary school and health care provision and later terminated its contract. The owner of the building is trying to remove the encamped refugees and using violence to do so.

Overcrowded, insanitary conditions, food shortage and lack of medical care have been responsible for deaths at the centre. Eight infants died in a 15 day period in January 2012.

Refugees are not being protected in Somaliland. They face an uncertain future. Their choices are limited to returning to face persecution, torture and death in Ethiopia; remaining as destitute, unwanted people in Somaliland, prone to death from hunger and disease and at risk of refoulement back to Ethiopia, or; walking to apply for asylum elsewhere, leaving those, who are too weak to walk, to die at the roadside.

Read Full Report in PDF

Source: ayyaantuu.com

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Malicious and Completely False Statement about the Oromo Community in Oslo on Ethiomedia

By Saketa Etafa and Daniel Gemtessa | February 23, 2012

We, the Oromo participants in the task force opposing the Norwegian and Ethiopian governments’ agreement to involuntarily repatriate asylum seekers to Ethiopia (Saketa Etafa and Daniel Gemtessa), read with utter amazement the gibberish entitled “We are moving in the right direction” posted on Ethiomedia on 20 February by a group calling itself Concerned Ethiopians. We categorically reject ever making any of the statements attributed to us by the useless drivel. We participate in the task force only to achieve the single aim of opposing and hopefully averting the involuntary repatriation of asylum seekers from Ethiopia currently residing in Norway. We have repeatedly made this crystal clear to the other participants in the joint task force contrary to the stand attributed to us by the so-called Concerned Ethiopians.   Furthermore, the task force has at no time dealt with the issue of addressing the “tense political differences among Ethiopian opposition parties,” as the group calling itself Concerned Ethiopians claims. Addressing such issues is clearly beyond our mandate as members of the Oromo Community in Oslo since it is not only a non-political body but also embraces members subscribing to different political stands and supporting diverse political groups. For the same reason, the Oromo Community in Oslo is in no position to support or oppose any faction of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), contrary to what the group calling itself Concerned Ethiopians alleges.

We are completely at a loss to understand what positive purpose the utter fabrications of the so-called Concerned Ethiopians would serve. However, we have absolutely no doubt about its negative implication of potentially weakening the ongoing joint initiative to rescue the asylum seekers threatened with involuntary repatriation. Consequently, all asylum seekers have the vested interest in exposing and shaming the individuals behind the malicious statement by the group calling itself Concerned Ethiopians. Our other fellow participants in the joint task force have a direct responsibility to distance themselves from the activities of this malicious group. We want it to be clearly understood that failure to do so would force us to reconsider whether to continue participating in the joint effort or not.

We joined the task force in our firm belief that the struggle for justice is universal. And the road to a just order or outcome cannot be paved with lies and tolerance of lies. Our name has been unjustly libeled and those truly standing for justice need to join us in denouncing the unjust act of the so-called Concerned Ethiopians. We conclude by reminding all concerned the great Martin Luther King’s wise words that “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”

Best comment,gadaa says:

Good lesson for all Oromoos from the experience of Saqataa and Gamteessa about the shrewdness of hebesha. ‘Don’t approach Habesha if you do, you turn by tear’. Oromoo, whether we are one, to or many should stand for themselves. Never side them they are very crook to turn every opportunity of Oromoo to themselves we have experienced from: Queen Warqituu of Waloo Oromoo betrayed by Minilik, Liji Iyaasu betrayed by Teferi Mekonen, Gobana betrayed by Menelik, Teferi Benti betrayed by Mengistu Hailemariam,(Oromoo song: Tafari Banti magala qalaa si nyaate yaa *horobalaan*), As an institution ABO betrayed by Meles Zenawi, equivalently Saqataa and Gamteessa betrayed by Oslo habesha group with out informing them and many individual Oromoos have betrayer habeshas even to level of friends and marriage. The same will happen to Jijjirama by G7.

‘Kan cinaan itti himan kan hin galeef cinaacha isaa gaafa cabsan galaaf’ jedhe Oromoon.
Waaqayyo Oromoof hubanaa haa kennu!

The Irreconcilability of the Oromo Nature of Peace and Leadership with the Ethiopian Nature of Violence and Dictatorship

By G. Chemeda Nadhabaasaa (M.G.Meelbaa) | February 23, 2012

As embedded in the Oromo Gadaa tradition, the Oromos understand peace (nagaa) in its positive term. When the Oromos say, Peace to the Creator God (Waaqa Uumaa), peace to the mother earth (lafa, dachee), peace to all mankind, peace to plant life and animal creations etc. they mean that they perceived peace as a gift of God (Waaqa), on which they are blessed to work  in positive terms for positive missions.

 

In order to defend the Waaqa given peace at the centre of its positive position, the Oromos, in their history of peace management, tirelessly work and sort out the root causes that could defile the worthiness of the peace (nagaa) they are granted by God. This had helped pre-colonial Gadaa Oromo society in particular to devise constructive reconciliation methods (mala araara) at various levels, for example, at family level, at clan level, at inter-clan and at ethno-national levels.

And, thereof, the Oromo belief of peace asserts a harmonious relationship    between human laws and natural laws. Any imbalance between the two laws is believed to cause the departure of peace from the centre of its positive domain. It will be casted down to the periphery, leaving the domain to chaos; selling it for evilness and ruthlessness; inviting dictators to the top echelon to rule over humanity with iron-fist. To the Ethiopian autocratic and theocratic leaders however, the existence of balance of forces between the natural and human order is undesirable, for the fact that it gives them no chance of getting up on horseback to ride for violence and excommunication.

If we peer into the history of  Oromo buttaa institution, when  Oromo values are at stake, and all peace efforts failed, the condition to go for a lawful offensive right to  protect the God-given nagaa Oromoo is unconditionally voted for; and uncompromisingly declared by those competent and democratically elected Gadaa leaders. In this case, the fact of bandits’ aggression and their ruthless oppression are main factors to compel the Oromos to legitimise the use of offensive right in defence of their God-given peace.

 Legitimate War in Defence of one’s own Peace

As the Oromos are men and women of their words, they are also men and women of peace; peace with humans, peace with natures. However, this does not mean that the Oromos were born being hostage to submissiveness, bondage to complete docility or an appendix of subservient loyalty whose outputs are humiliation, annihilation and slavery.

Whenever Oromos are threatened with aggression, as they are heroes of peace, they are also heroes of war. This has been well documented by the aggressors’ writers themselves. They showed how the Oromos had been organised, for instance in the 16th century, in Gadaa regiments and marched on the aggressors. It was a just war fought against the unjust aggressive war.

However, to defend their humiliation, debtera historians and their allies invented a phrase, just on the top of their essays, what they call “the Oromo War of Migration” or “the Oromo War of Robbery”. They use these invented headline interchangeably under the scornful name “Galla”, to justify the inherent enmity they have developed against the people they labelled as “Ye Amhara demenyaa Xelaat” meaning the bloodiest enemy of Amhara. (See Aleqa Kidanewold Kifle’s Metsehafe—womezgeqalat. 1948, E.C)

The Oromos were born not to worship the misleading cowardly preaching of “if one slaps on the left part of your face, turn your right face to him too”. This is what they are preaching for ‘violence’ to be the supreme command structure of surrender for awful humiliation. It is neither for peace, nor for freedom nor for human dignity. It is for complete psychological slavery, disdainfully projected to de-humanise the human dignity God has bestowed on mankind by birth. It has been being preached under the cover of “individual right to worship”.

This brain killing silent bullet has been invented by supremacists who are using the Bible as ‘Scripture of Holy Colonialism’. In fact, it is the preaching of such verses from the re-edited Bible that has become an important aide to Ethiopian dictators to continue to violate the peace of peaceable peoples in the empire of the dictators.

Oromo Code of averting and ending blood feud

When leaders are adhering to society’s norm, respect the rule of laws and have honesty to public feelings, there is no reason why peace cannot supersede   violence and aggression. But in a society where rulers view themselves more than the Creator, and the subject people also view them as divine creatures, there is no reason why the rule of anarchy for violence prevails over the awesome of peace.

As the Oromo egalitarian system of Seera Caffee/Gumii has clearly laid down, there is no crime more than slaying a fellow human being, whether or not it is carried out through intentionally planed action or in self-defence. It is a serious crime, committed in violation to the harmonious functions of natural order and the human Oromo code of conduct.

According to seera gumaa Oromoo, if a man slays his fellow semblance, that is, human being, he has to pay the necessary compensation for the blood he is a cause to spill down. This fundamental code has been a guide in resolving feuds and in re-enforcing peace between two or more feuding parties. It automatically averts tension that could divide the society on clan or sub-clan lines. It peacefully resolves the incident on the ground and any prospective intent of retaliation. Thus:

  • Seera Gumaa is a law of blood compensation legislated, adopted and declared by Caffee to avert and resolve blood feud or any retaliatory vengeance peacefully.
  • It is a wisely designed law that halts the escalation of feuds to inter-clanship level, which could be a cause for a war to start and a dictator to rise.

In pre-colonial era of Gadaa Oromo society, there were strong political and religious institutions which were directly responsible for managing peace. While from the secular Gadaa side, the Abbaa Seeraainstitution is responsible; from the religious side, the Abbaa Muudaa/Qaalluu institution is responsible.   To avert any form of deviance seems to be detrimental to the normal function of Gadaa societal norms, the two institutions work in dual relationship. Ideally, the Abbaa Seera functions in the light of the seera caffee tumaa and the abbaa muudaa/qaalluu functions in the light of Seera Uumaa. There is a harmonious check and balance relationship between this two Oromo pillar institutions.

Ethiopia’s Code of Endless Feud      

Abyssinian politico-religious institutions, the ‘tewaahido taabot’ theocrats and the ‘zewud-nugus’ autocrats, can be credited for their notable proxies of war and violence in the region. In their politico-religious history, the Abyssinians are well known to agree on agreement that can certify any effort to escalate feud, war of conquest and aggression. The question is what could come out of a society that has been negatively harmonised with the deadliest “tit for tat” doctrine; a doctrine of conflict to conflict, feud to feud, retaliation to retaliation? How peace can come to those colonised peoples in the ‘taabot-nugus’empire of Ethiopia who lost their God-given peace to the Ethiopian rule of violence?

The mono relationship between the Ethiopian ‘tewaahido-taabot church’ and the ‘zewud-nugus’ Solomonic dynasty of legendary history function being as a dagger and sheath. When the main function of thetewaahido-taabot is the pronouncement of excommunication and pouring of wreath of curses on those who have grievances against the cruelty of the divine rulers, the function of the zewud-nugus is the declaration of death sentence, the expansion of colonial territories (qiny gizaat), the management ofchisanya-gabbar with iron-fist etc.

Distinguished leaders of MatchaTuulama Self-Help Association like Dejazmatch Kebede Bizunesh were the victims of the espionage work conducted by Ethiopian Tewaahido Church leaders, Abune Tewoflos and Abba Mattias Workineh. After the Tewaahido Church leaders had known where the MatchaTuulama leaders were, they secretly approached them in the name of ‘ye haymaanot abbaatooch’.They bowed down to their feet and appealed for peace. When the leaders accepted the appeal of the ‘spiritual fathers” and cooled down their grievances, the tewaahido-taabot leaders of Ethiopia betrayed them from behind. They handed them over to Hailesellasie’s security agent through Prince Tenanyework Hailesillasie. (See Gizetina Gigot by Olaanaa Zewgaa, pp: 92-133)

In case of murder or manslaughter, vendetta, which they call biqqela in Amharic, is the only code of ‘relief’ through which the victim’s relatives are believed to be ‘compensated’. It is a blood for blood compensation. It contradicts the Oromo gumaa code of compensation that compels the payment of blood price to the victim’s relatives. It stands to assure groups’ security and individuals’ free movement in the society, not merely the diffusion of hostility between feuding parties.

In the Abyssinian case, what is odd to an outsider is that, when revenge after revenge goes on between two feuding parties, it is considered as heroic deeds by the general society at large. There is no institution with chartered codes that can manage to avert the escalation of the feud. There is no mechanism of reconciliation that can prepare the two parties to sit for peaceful resolution of the feud either. Feuding parties are always on standby to take revenge against each other.

The Vagueness of Irqe-Salaam

As the Abyssinians, alias Ethiopians, have developed no God of their own concept, or a God indigenous to African concept, they have no culture of their own peace concept; or a peace concept of an indigenous to African spirituality. All are ideas and practices borrowed from Arab and Hebrew origins. In other words, if the Abyssinians had developed peace of African mentality that has respect for human values, loves and  protects plant lives and animal creatures, rampant war and famine, vicious drought and hunger could not have been the endemic phenomena of the region.

We often hear of their overdue saying, “irqe-salaam” (reconciliation-peace) in their daily utterances. But, this borrowed utterance is devoid of flesh and bone in delivering the strategy of peace. It is not more than a tactical approach of buying time to update programmes of the old model; for violence to continue to function in a modified programme.

Had they had an indigenously conceptualised peace institution of their own notions, they might have developed quality leadership earlier and a social charter that could govern the ethical function of the irqe-salaam. The vagueness of the ”irqe-salaam”, which is only invoked to buy time, is designed to give  more chances to the dictators to stay in power than offering peace solutions to the people suffering under the rule of violence in the empire.

One should note that, it is not the anger of God Who ordered violence and hunger to rule over the people and the land. It is the “angry devil” of the leaders’ inhuman behaviour that has cultivated nudeness against peace.

Gadaa Democratic Leaders and Abyssinian Autocratic Rulers

 In a society like Abyssinians (Ethiopians) where aggression, expansion, violence, banditry and retaliatory vengeance are dictatorially and imperially institutionalised, there is no place for the growth of socially chartered institutions that can manage peace for the wellbeing of the citizens. The kings, regional warlords, emperors, and dictators are ‘divine’ rulers, who are believed to have an ascribed status in giving a divinely-fetched decision, be it punishment or amnesty. They are well tilted to a magical wand of war and aggression strategists as righteous advisers instead of eschewing such advisers as devils of peace.

In the goggled eyes of the rulers, an Oromo who summits to peace is coward, indolent, lousy and inherently being born to be ruled. Sadly, these negatively perceived adjectives have also been illusively inculcated in the minds of the subject Abyssinian society at large. The king’s or dictator’s decisions are taken to be absolute, unchallengeable, and un-contestable.

Patriarchs, priests and deacons of the tewaahido-taboot Church re-divinise the kings and the emperors asSiyume Igzihaber which is essentially similar to some of the Sunni Muslims’ belief of Al-Mahadi as chosen ones. The ordinary people are illusively assenting to the divineness of siyume-igzihaber by saying, “nungus aykessesim, semaay aytaaresim”, which attests the fact that the nugus is the only figure who is ascribable to his own divinely established will. This divine will can be either the dispensation of peace for tax collection in his area of control or the declaration of war of aggression on regions out of their control. They appoint themselves as possessing divine right to do or undo, to unite or disunite, to own or disown, to punish or pardon anything under their disposal.

On the contrary, the Oromo Gadaa leaders, who come to the office of Abbaa Gadaa through sacred nomination for public election every eight years, will stay in office being servants of the rule of laws. They can be lawfully impeached and dismissed for any misconduct, dishonest or partial judgements they may display while in office; or for any attempt they may show to manipulate public opinions to build dictatorial ambition.

However, after the brutal conquest of Oromoland by the Ethiopian war of qiny gizaat maasfaafat, meaning, an expansion to colonise new territories, in the last quarter of the 19th century, the functional value of araara Oromo in maintaining peace and order has been unwillingly smothered. The culture of the new colonial settlers, biqqela and adma which significantly expresses vendetta and conspiracy respectively has been planted on Gadaa laws. Obviously, these nefxenya colonial settlers have had clear objective. That is, to demonise the democratic Gadaa code of statute. They did it in the past. They are doing it right now.

By its very origin, the egalitarian Oromo belief of law, democracy, leader and leadership is completely different from the Abyssinians, because the Oronmos are electing their leaders and enacting their laws out of the deadly notion of divine order. They elect them to defend, respect and pursue the rule of law. The elected leaders know that, they are elected to serve their people, maintain peace and order. They transfer the power vested in them peacefully at a fixed time and fixed place. This underlines how Oromo traditional political decency functions for peace and democracy. But, sadly, this Oromo values had been prohibited by Aste Menilik. The quotation from an Abyssinian qees (priest) is quiet enough to authenticate this; “Ke Burqaa betaachi ye Harar Gaallaa Caffee Bululloo nebber. Indihu Wallom, Arusiim beyyedejjuu Caffee aaderege. Yihewum Caffeyaachew be Aste Minilk zemen tekelekele.”  Its English version, as has been translated by Bahiru Tafla, “—The Galla of Harar had their Caffee in Bulullo. Similarly, the Wallo, the Arusi set up Caffe in their respective areas.—Their Caffee, however, was abolished in the time of Ase Menilik.” (Tafla: tras&ed. P.134-135) The prohibition is still going on, covertly and overtly.

The Culture of Conspiracy and Bloodshed

The culture of conspiracy to eliminate one another, the coming of individuals to power through bloodshed, the destruction of natural habitat etc. are testimony to  the long history of Abyssinians muteness to the meaningfulness of  power for peace. They believe in individual’s seizure of power that would come to it through violence and bloodshed. Peaceful transfer of power is unknown to them; and, in fact, it is a dead political culture. If at all it exists, it is considered as a vacuum that lacks the divine power.

The long history of Abyssinia, today’s northern part of Ethiopia, conforms to facts of conspiracy, bloodshed, war and feuds registered among regional warlords racing for the status of kingship and emperorship. It is this evil political and social culture that has colonised Oromoland. Since the onset of the colonisation, it has been ravaging the human value of Oromummaa and continues to demonise its democratic tradition.

Let’s see few cases in brief how violence has been a criterion for power transfer in Abyssinian (=Ethiopian) political culture which diametrically contradictory to the Oromos’ culture.

1. AsteTewodros of Gonder

When we begin from Atse Tewodros, we find this man coming to power in Gonder after he eliminated his rivals. He was blessed and crowned by the patriarch of the tewahido-taabot church as Emperor of “Ethiopia” in 1855, after he had defeated his own father-in-law, Ras Ali in 1854. While trying to expand his territory to Wallo, to rule under his blood-stained sword, he captured Prince Amedie Ali Liben, the son of Queen Warqituu, and finally executed him together with other prisoners in 1865. (Darkwah: Shewa, Menilik–. 1975, p. 87)

Terwodros was killed in Maqdalla, Wallo, in 1868, which western historians have given due credit to the British expeditionary force. However, Ethiopian debtera historians are persistently defending the death of the cruel man as committing suicide, to hide the humiliation and death of their divine leader at the hands of an Oromo heroine.

Today, Terwodros is praised by all corners of Abyssinians, by Amharas in particular, as an almighty man that Igzihaber had sent for them to unite the fragmented precincts under a single “Al- Mahdi”.  But, Abyssinians muteness to the culture of peace could not help them understand how unity for peace or peace for unity cannot come from leaders whose hands are soaked with innocent blood; their goggled eyes are thirsty to see human blood spilling down.

2. Aste Yohannes IV of Tigray

To occupy the vacuum left behind by the death of Tewodros, a race started between Dejazmatch Kassa Mercha of Tigray and Wagshum Gobozie of Amhara in 1871. Kassa defeated the race and became an emperor, bearing a new name and a new title: His Imperial Majesty Emperor Yohannis IV, Emperor of Ethiopia and King of Zion in 1872. (http://www.angelfire.com/ny/ethiocrown/Yohannis.html)

The most important mission of Aste Yohannes was either to convert Muslim Oromos of Wallo to Christianity (tewaahido-taabot) or to finish them off. He massacred them with the firearms he used to collect from different European kings as a gift. He converted hundreds of thousands of Muslims to histewaahido-taabot faith under the rule of the firearms. His mission seemed to have been fulfilled when he converted the Wallo leader Mohammed Ali to his fanatic tewaahido-taabot faith and baptised him as Ras Michael, later became Nugus Michael.

The fanatic Yohannes was guillotined at the war with the Dervishes around Matama area and passed away. We do not know whose souls had gone to heaven and rested in peace. The fanatic Muslim man who killed him in the offensive war for Islam to triumph? Or the fanatic Emperor who was killed fighting for the supremacy of Abyssinia’s tewaahido-taabot faith? Whatsoever, similar to Tewodros, he also died of not natural death but killed by followers of Islamic faith he hated to the most.

3. Aste Menilik of Shewa

The death of Aste Yohannes was excellent news for Menilik to hear, because it left a vivid vacuum of power to occupy without any arduous race for it. As a young man he had been once captured by Tewodros and taken to prisoner of war. He learned cruelty in practice under Tewodros. He escaped from Maqdella prison by the help of Queen Warqituu and was able to return to Shewa. After he became King of Shewa, he turned the firearms he amassed from European kings against the people of Wallo who did the most favour for him. He butchered them and put under his control. That is the type of reward Abyssinian morality accepts to the best performance.

In 1878 Minilik, as a king of  Shewa, and Yohannes of Tigray, as an emperor of Ethiopia made an agreement at Boru Meda on how to proceed conquering the Oromos and enslaving them. They divided Wallo among themselves. Menilk gave his daughter, Waizero Zewuditu, to Yohannes’ son, Ariya Sellasie as a marriage to cement the bond of the Boru Meda agreement. Warra Illu was given to the couples as a fief. (Darkwah: Shewa, Menilik–. 1975, P.78-78)

Menilik was encouraged to pursue his conquest of Oromoland further to the south in which he used men like Ras Goobanaa, Ras Mekonnen, Ras Darge, Ras Tesema, Ras Woldegiyorgis and others to accomplish the evil conquest. They massacred millions of Oromos and other peoples in the area they occupied as qiny gizat, colonial territory

Added to the death of Aste Yohannes, the mysterious death of Ras Goobanaa in 1889 cleared all obstacles for him to become the only absolute decider on the future fate of the peoples now came under his iron-fist. Menilik became the nugusenegest (king of the kingsof Ethiopia he concocted until his death was officially announced in 1913.

(Emperor) Lij Eyasu 

After Menilik’s death, his grandson, Lij Eyasu, became the designated Emperor to the throne. However, he was trapped by the Shewan conspiracy who was bitterly opposed to his Oromo background as a main factor rather than his legitimacy to the throne. The second factor was his close tie with different social sectors in the newly concocted empire. He had good relationships with the Muslim and Catholic communities whom the Abyssinians see as the bloodiest enemy to their tewaahido-taboot faith. The third factor was his cordial relations with outside world particularly with Germany, Austria and Turkey which the British colonial power in the region found it dangerous to pursue its colonial motives. Thus; the British assisted the Shewan conspirators against Lij Iyasu and facilitated the way for Ras Teferi to come to power.

Lij Iyasu was politically and spiritually dismissed after Abune Mattiwos, head of the then Coptic Church of Ethiopia officially excommunicated him. Even though his father, King Michael of Wallo and he himself attempted to revert the coup, their resistance was in vain, as the Shewan conspirators were backed by the then superpower of the world. His father, Nugus Michael, was captured at the battle of Sagalee in 1916. Later on, after five years of struggle, Lij Iyasu was captured. He was first imprisoned at Fiche, Salaalee, and later on transferred to Gaara Muldhataa in Hararge.

Iyasuu died about 1935. One of the versions of his death elucidates that he died in Gaara Mul’ataa soon after Haileselasie sent his soul father, Abba Hanna Jima, to visit him. His dead body was buried either in the Ogaden desert or thrown to Waabee Shebelle river. The other version says, as the Italians were marching toward the south to capture Finfinnee, Hailesellasie brought Lij Iyasu to his palace and executed him and fled the country. There is no confirmation as of Lij Iyasu’s burial place. However, there is unconfirmed rumour that Hailesellasie buried him secretly in the churchyard called St. Marikos, located in his former Sidist Kilo palace campus, now serves as the main campus of Addis Ababa University. (See http://www.angelfire.com/ny/ethiocrown/lij.html)

Ras Teferi Mokonnen 

Ras Teferi was a governor of Hararge region when Liji Iyasu was the designated emperor of Ethiopia. Because of Teferi’s mistreatment of the people of the region, particularly the Muslim population, Lij Iyasu wanted to transfer him to other region. He summoned Teferi to Finfinnee and went to Harar to discuss the problem with the people. It was by this time that Ras Teferi and his Shewa compatriots, backed by British diplomats from the Embassy, stood against Lij Iyasu and eventually dismissed the designated Emperor from power.

Ras Teferi became Haile Sellassie I, Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, Elect of God and Emperor of Ethiopia on his coronation day that took place on 2nd November 1930, at St. George Cathedral Church. The Church was built on the former Oromo specific place name called Maarama Birbirsaa, in the district of Birbirsa Yaa’ii Gooroo, one of Finfinne’s district names of pre-colonial time.

After ruling the country for more than 40 years, Hailesellasie was overthrown and replaced by a military council called Dergue, led by the infamous man, Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. His death was officially announced in 1975 but his burial place had been kept secret until the current Tigrian based regime came to power and publicised the secrecy for exhumation.

The Dergue: Military Council

In February 1974 there was a mass uprising against the autocratic, aristocratic and feudalistic rule of Hailesellasie. It was culminated to a mass revolution that the emperor’s regime was not able to break through. It was by this time that a military officers’ club consisting of 120 members formed a committee known as “Dergue” and snatched the revolution from the mass. On 12th September 1974 the Dergue officially announced that it had deposed the ailing emperor and called itself “Provisional Military Administration Council under the chairmanship of General Aman Andom.

Following the overthrow of the emperor, power struggle among the 120 Dergue members intensified. As to Abyssinian tradition of bloodshed for palace power, the Dergue members turned to eliminate themselves. They first overthrew the Chairman and executed him, filling the vacant position by another General called Teferi Benti.

After Andom’s elimination, the turn to eliminate was knocking at the door of Teferi Benti’s office. Subsequently, he got Aman Andom’s fate and his dead body was removed from his office. Now, Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariyam, who was the then first vice chairman of the Dergue, became an acting chairman.  But, he was not so secured to declare himself “first chairman” as far as his rival, the second vice chairman, Colonel Atnafu Abate was behind him. By any means, Atnafu’s elimination had to be executed. It was successfully executed as intended, and officially announced.

The Colonel became the sole winner of the blood-stained race for the seizure of palace seat. The power had lasted with him for seventeen years, of course, with full of terror, bloodshed, war, and mass killings. He verbally showed cruelty by saying “ye fiyyel waxexe tikishaw yaabbexe libbuu yaabexebbet andpractically announcing names of those who were executed. He testified himself being the true ‘son’ of Tewodros and Minilik, the only men he used to praise in his long-boring speech.

Mengistu had fled the country in 1991 before the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray (MLLT), operating in the name of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led by Meles Zenawi, overran him.

TPLF’s MLLT

Blessing Mr Herman Cohen of the United States of America at the London ‘violence’ Conference of 1991, Tigrian People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) of Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray (MLLT) was able to overrun the century old Amhara based Ethiopian regime. After the Conference, Cohen gave TPLF’s MLLT full permission to enter Finfinnee as quickly as possible and grip palace power. Since then, Ethiopia, the concocted empire of Nugus Menilik of Shewa, has been being controlled by Amhara brethren from Tigray, the home of the fanatic Atse Yohannes IV. All Menilk colonies (qiny gigaatooch) of the South haven been transferred to cliques of individuals cascaded down from the rocky hills of Tigray.

Today the colonies are under the most oppressive colonial rule of these food hungry and water thirsty cliques from Aste Yohannes’ homeland. They have no new ideology to follow except to update the old nefxideology of their Amhara brothers; the ideology of suppression and exploitation. They cannot re-enforce peace, nor can they uproot the new model of the war, conflict, violence and aggression they have planted among peaceful peoples of Oromiyaa and the South because these are core values they have inherited from their ancestors as a pride way of life.

Conclusion

Basically, true peace should be measured with the one who is at normal position with his own state of creation. Those who desire to live in harmony with humans and natures or who are desirous of peace, must, in the first stage, be at peace with their own state of mind at domestic situations. The origin of the Oromo nature of peace is rightfully spearheading to maintain such objectives for truth, justice, love and harmony at the centre of humanity. It is built on the basis of human values; constructed to harmonise forces of the visible world and the invisible supernatural world. Thus:

  • The Oromo views of peace are balanced between the given-natural order, Seera Uumaa and the legislated human order, seera tumaa.
  • The human laws and natural laws are understood as having complementary relationship to each other in maintaining the nagaa Oromoo worldviews.

Minor and major Oromo clans (lammii and gosa) are historically organised in federation, no matter whether it is loose or tightened. At a supra-regional level, for example, the case of MatchaTuulamaa Oromo, Yaa’ii saglan Booranaa-Sagaltama Gabraa is a continuous historical process of a living reality in place today.This peacefully developing Oromo kinship organisation has been continuously supressed and banned by Abyssinian successive colonial regimes.

An Oromo self-help association named after MatchaTulama was banned by the regime of Meles Zenawi for the third time by a letter written to the association on October 14, 2011, bearing a Ref.Nr 01/chsA-10,241, by signed a certain Ali Siraj Mohammad. Similarly, before banning MatchaTuulama Self-help Association (MTSHA), the regime’s Minister of Justice, Minister Harqa Harriye had totally banned the legal body of Waaqeffannaa Oromo spiritual association from Oromoland by a letter he wrote on 3/3/1997 (E.C) with a Ref.Nr 01/ ?/2655/112

One of the major problems of Abyssinians is that they lack wisdom of reckoning their lammii, gosaa, mana or balbala to trace their roots.That is whythey label the Oromos who are rich in having such African based wisdom as gosanya or zerenya: literally, tribalist or racist respectively.They have neither the mythology nor the genealogy to narrate their roots in ascending or descending generation. As a consequence, they become suspicious of lammii Oromo’s developmental sociology as threat to their ‘divinely derived’ ruling motive.

The suspicion has created the problem of ‘in-group’ identification in their self-conflicting minds, whose ultimate result has become social-psychological inferiority complex. To heal the crumbling crisis, their only option was to choose for the worst side of inhumanity. Hence, it has taken up cruelty as the only panacea to continue to suppress Oromos who are endowed with lamummaa as in-group identification pride within the matrix of Oromummaa.

“–muka Odaati mukti baala qabu, muka silkiiti mukti baala hin qabne; of eegi yaa ilma dhiiraa,nama galaafatti namni lammii hin qabne.”

This traditional Oromo song has been given an artistic expression by artist Jomboo Jootee. The song clearly substantiates the root cause of identity crisis and the effect that follows.

To the Oromos, peace is not a tactic for buying time in order for the old model to be systematised and updated. It is a strategy to be achieved through a wise application of reconciliation, araara. It is a mission to be accomplished. To come to the peace mission, the Oromos are spiritually in close attachment with their Waaqa, Who enriched them with wise elders and provident natures. Thus, Oromo’s understanding of peace (nagaa/nagayaa) is, fundamentally, for humanisation, harmonisation, naturalisation, integration of fellow human beings.

However, to the Abyssinians, the Oromo humane practices of peace for love and integration throughmoggaasa (naturalisation) and guddifachaa (adoption) for harmony are not norms of civilisation but they are the untutored minds of primitive people’s manifestation. As of now, it could be reasonable if Gadaa leaders are able to review existing Gadaa laws in relation to those who are eligible and not eligible formoggaasa and guddiffacha, especially in Oromo regions where Gadaa laws are still effectively working.

Oromos understand peace as a striking staff against the breading store of aggression and violence which are negative to build social consensus, hindrance to the prevalence of sustainable peace for lovely co-existence. That is why Oromo people’s history of struggle for peace is replete with profound rejections against imperialist Ethiopia’s institutionalised monger of aggression, conflict instigation, retaliatory action and incessant domination.

A country like Abyssinia, alias Ethiopia, which has no root of democratic traditions at all, can neither be smoothly nor abruptly democratised. Taking into account the current reality on the ground, such like, lack of charted institutions to regulate people’s behavioural activities, it may take another ‘three thousand years’ for peace and democracy to come to the Abyssinians.

As history has been thoroughly teaching us, as a colonised ethno-nationals, it is too meekness to expect peace, democracy, quality leadership or human dignity from any form of Abyssinian ruling regimes. Therefore, for peace and democratic leadership to come back to Oromo forests, rivers, birds, wildlife etc., not merely to the people and the land, the only panacea is the ending of Abyssinian dictators’ coronation on Oromo soil.

Theoretically, one can argue in favour of Abyssinians as good democrats who can forge a ‘unitary peace polity’ with peoples like the Oromos in the region, who have long history of indigenously developed democratic culture. However, as it was witnessed in the past ca.130 years, it is practically unrealisable even to try to enliven a ‘federal peace polity’ arrangement. Hence, Oromos’ question should not focus on, who could be the next champion of a bloodshed race for dictators’ coronations on Oromo soil? Their question, from every walk of life, should concentrate on how a unified display of power can speed up the demise of evils’ coronation in Oromoland, in which the re-consummation of an independent republic of Oromiyaa can be a reality.

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